How Rishi Sunak tried to weaponise information only to shoot himself in the foot
Could it be that British politics is slipping into some post-satire phase of confusion and condemnation?
The second full week of the 2024 election campaign was definitely beyond satire โ and will probably be remembered for three things.
First and foremost, this was the week Rishi Sunak went populist. His claim that Labourโs tax plans would cost households ยฃ2,000 in tax was a form of fake news. There was never any intention to be truthful about this figure, it was merely a device for forging a simple mental association between the words โtaxโ and โLabourโ.
It was intended to mislead, while at the same time making it possible for Sunak to deflect any blame onto anonymous Treasury officials, whom he claimed had come up with the figures. He perhaps did not bank on them calling him out.
When information is weaponised in this way, it is the repetition of the argument, rather than the credibility of the case, that matters.
This was targeted manipulation of public concerns on specific topics. โLabour is lying. Labour will cost you.โ
And this is the key issue. Sunak โwonโ the debate only in the sense that he created a furore that revolved around โLabour+taxโ. The aim was never to tell the truth: it was an attempt to tap into longstanding cultural concerns about Labourโs fiscal credibility.
Post-event analyses, truth-checkers, counter claims, sleaze busters, bean counters and even accusations of lying risked only falling into the trap that the prime minister had sought to lay by perpetuating a debate over Labourโs tax policies.
Boris Johnson used humour to play with the truth but this was the week that Sunak adopted a low-blow strategy.
Misfiring in every direction
This was the week that will also undoubtedly be remembered for the re-entry of the most populist celebrity politician the United Kingdom has ever known โ Nigel Farage.
Sunakโs shift in style is no doubt related to this development. The โFarage effectโ for the prime minister appears to have been to convince him that, with the opinion polls stubbornly sticking to a large Labour lead, a large dose of populist politics was the only thing that might save the day.
It didnโt. In weaponising information, Sunak seems to have achieved the political equivalent of a self-inflicted injury. His reputation as a prime minister appears diminished rather than bolstered. Farageโs Reform party, meanwhile, is apparently increasing in popularity to the extent that some commentators have even identified July 4 as an โextinction eventโ for the Conservatives.
The truth of the matter, however, is that no one โwonโ the television debate. British democracy lost.
Which brings us to the third defining moment of the week and the point at which Sunak really did pay the price for playing fast and lose with the truth โ having to leave the D-day commemoration events early to conduct a TV interview about his election debate behaviour.
Never has a self-inflicted political injury looked quite so bad. Could the leader of the Conservative party have played into Nigel Farageโs hands any better if theyโd tried? Given that Farage spent much of his โemergencyโ announcement speech two days previously ruing lost respect for D-day, the answer is โprobably notโ.
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So far, this election campaign has done nothing to shift the popular view of politics. Sunakโs screeching and shouting in the debate, plus Starmerโs refusal to provide any short, sharp, simple answers to question of policy probably served to simply confirm the publicโs increasingly embedded belief that politicians are simply not to be trusted.
The problem for British politics is that it is exactly this anti-political sentiment that persuasive populist politicians are so good at inflaming and funnelling for their own advantage.
The 2024 general election campaign was looking decidedly dull and lifeless until Farage entered the race. He clearly recognised the advantage of highlighting this state of affairs, claiming on his first day of campaigning that he would be โgingering things upโ.
While a touch of colour might make things interesting for British politics, letโs hope it doesnโt come at the cost of whatโs good for the health of British democracy.
Matthew Flinders, Founding Director of the Sir Bernard Crick Centre for the Public Understanding of Politics, University of Sheffield
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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